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Tinjauan Umum Ternak kerbau sudah dipelihara petani Indonesia dari dahulu kala untuk berbagai tujuan, terutama sebagai sumber tenaga untuk pengolahan tanah dan alat transportasi. Ternak dipelihara dengan cara ekstensif dengan pemberian pakan hijauan dari rumput dengan cara penggembalaan maupun dengan mencari rumput dan memberikannya pada ternak Menurut sejarah perkembangan domestikasi, ternak kerbau yang berkembang di seluruh dunia berasal dari daerah sekitar India. Pada dasarnya ternak kerbau digunakan sebagai ternak kerja, selanjutnya untuk penghasil daging dan juga penghasil susu. Ternak kerbau diklasifikasi sebagai kerbau sungai dan kerbau Lumpur. Di Indonesia lebih banyak terdapat kerbau Lumpur dan hanya sedikit terdapat kerbau sungai di Sumatera Utara yaitu kerbau Murrah yang dipelihara oleh masyarakat keturuan India dan digunakan sebagai penghasil susu. Populasi ternak kerbau di dunia diperkirakan sebanyak 130−150 juta ekor, sekitar 95% berada di belahan Asia selatan, khususnya di India, Pakistan, China bagian selatan dan Thailand (SONI, 1986). Populasi ternak kerbau di Indonesia hanya sekitar 2% dari populasi dunia. Hanya sedikit sekali kerbau lumpur yang dimanfaatkan air susunya, karena produksi susunya sangat rendah yaitu hanya 1−1,5 l/hari, dibandingkan dengan tipe sungai yang mampu menghasilkan susu sebanyak 6−7 l/hari. Namun demikian, di beberapa daerah, susu kerbau lumpur telah lama dimanfaatkan oleh masyarakat. Di Pulau Sumatera banyak ditemukan ternak kerbau mulai dari dataran rendah sampai dengan dataran tinggi. Disamping itu ditemukan juga di daerah rawa, namun masih termasuk dalam bangsa kerbau lumpur. Potensi pakan yang cukup banyak tersedia menjadikan ternak kerbau sebagai komoditas unggulan di sebagian besar daerah di Pulau Sumatera. Usaha ternak kerbau merupakan usaha peternakan rakyat yang dipelihara sebagai usaha sampingan, menggunakan tenaga kerja keluarga dengan skala usaha yang kecil karena kekurangan modal. Disamping itu sebagian peternaknya adalah penggaduh dengan sistem bagi hasil dari anak yang lahir setiap tahunnya. Pemeliharaan ternak umumnya bergantung pada ketersediaan rumput alam. Siang hari peternak menggiring ternak ke tempat penggembalaan dan malam hari dibawa ke dekat pemukiman dan biasanya tanpa kandang, ternak hanya diikat di belakang rumah petani, dan belum biasa memberikan pakan tambahan.Selain produksi dagingnya, kerbau juga sebagai penghasil susu yang diolah dan dijual petani dalam bentuk dadih di Sumatera Barat serta gula puan, sagon puan dan minyak samin di Sumatera Selatan. Secara umum produktivitas susu masih rendah yaitu sekitar 1−2 liter/ekor/hari. Dibandingkan dengan ternak sapi, ternak kerbau agak kurang mendapat perhatian dari berbagai kalangan. Konsekuensinya, produktivitas ternak relatif rendah, bahkan populasi ternak kerbau di Sumatera hanya sedikit meningkat, walaupun masih jauh lebih tinggi dari rataan nasional. Pemeliharaan Ternak Kerbau di Pandaisikek Ternak kerbau yang dipelihara di Pandaisikek adalah jenis kerbau sawah. Tujuan pemeliharaan ternak kerbau tersebut bukanlah untuk pengembang biakan ataupun penghasil susu, sebab tidak akan kita temukan ternak kerbau betina di negeri ini. Kerbau yang di pelihara di Pandaisikek hanyalah kerbau jantan dengan tujuan pemeliharaan sebagai berikut: - Sebagai tenaga pembajak sawah - Sebagai tenaga kilang tebu (gula tradisional) - Untuk tujuan penggemukan Kerbau sebagai Tenaga pembajak Sawah : Kerbau merupakan ternak yang telah lama dikenal dan dipelihara petani. Salah satu tujuan utama memelihara kerbau adalah sebagai sumber tenaga kerja untuk membantu kegiatan pertanian terutama membajak sawah, Bajak adalah salah satu alat pengolah tanah tradisional dalam system pertanian orang Pandasikek. Alat tradisional ini berfungsi untuk menggemburkan tanah sebelum dilakukan pemetakan lahan untuk di Tanami palawija ataupun untuk penggemburan tanah setelah di tanami palawija dan kembali di tanam padi. Penggemburan tanah dengan pembajakan sebelum di Tanami palawija adalah pembajakan kering (tanpa air), sedangkan penggemburan tanah dengan pembajakan sebelum di tanami padi adalah pembajakan basah , dimana sebelum pembajakan sawah digenangi dan direndam terlebih dahulu lebih kurang selama satu minggu. Pemeliharaan ternak kerbau sebagai tenaga kilang tebu: Industri gula tebu tradisonal atau lebih dikenal dengan istilah saka telah member konstribusi yang besar bagi perekonomian masayarakat pandaisikek. Pemerasan air tebu sebelum di masak menjadi gula membutuhkan tenaga yang besar, disini peran tenaga kerbau untuk menarik kilang tebu masih sangat dibutuhkan. Ada satu kilang tebu yang sudah menggunakan diesel sabagai alat kilang akan tetapi terkendala dalam memasak air tebu menjadi gula, dimana terjadi penumpukan air tebu yang akan di masak sehingga kualitas gula yang diharapkan tidak tercapai. Dengan demikian sampai saat ini kerbau sebagai tenaga penarik kilang tebu masih sangat efektif dan seimbang karena tidak terjadi penumpukan air tebu sebelum dimasak menjadi gula. Pemeliharaan ternak kerbau untuk tujuan penggemukan : Tujuan pemeliharaan kerbau untuk penggemukan tidak lain sebagai tabungan, kegemaran, sumber pendapatan tambahan dan untuk upacara adat. Demikian pentingnya kehadiran kerbau untuk petani, namun perhatian pemerintah terhadap kerbau sangat kurang, penelitian-penelitian mengenai kerbau hampir tidak ada. Ketiga tujuan pemeliharaan tersebut di atas merupakan suatu kesatuan yang utuh, disamping ternak kerbau sebagai sumber tenaga pembajak sawah dan penarik kilang tebu, seiring dengan berjalannya waktu maka ternak kerbau tersebut makin besar dan makin bertambah berat badan. Sehingga dapat dikatakan bahwa pemeliharaan ternak kerbau di pandaisikek memilki kegunaan ganda (multi purpose). PEMELIHARAAN TERNAK KERBAU

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in The Great War of Our Time

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